home *** CD-ROM | disk | FTP | other *** search
- <text id=94TT1052>
- <title>
- Aug. 15, 1994: Nigeria:Uncivil Disobedience
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
- Aug. 15, 1994 Infidelity--It may be in our genes
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- NIGERIA, Page 27
- Uncivil Disobedience
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p> Striking workers and street rioters hope that economic chaos
- will topple the military regime
- </p>
- <p>By Kevin Fedarko--Reported by Marguerite Michaels/Nairobi, Cindy Shiner/Lagos
- and Ann M. Simmons/Washington
- </p>
- <p> Driving from Murtala Muhammed Airport into downtown Lagos normally
- requires at least two hours. Last week it took barely 30 minutes:
- what traffic there was in the largest metropolis of one of the
- world's major oil producers bunched up at the few gas stations
- that still had fuel. Around those that had none, lines of abandoned
- vehicles fanned out in all directions. The effect was eerie,
- as if a neutron bomb had been dropped in the middle of the most
- populous country in Africa.
- </p>
- <p> If the success of a strike can be judged by the degree of economic
- paralysis it induces, the 230,000 Nigerian oil workers who began
- walking off their jobs on July 4 in an effort to topple the
- country's military government were successful beyond their dreams.
- The work stoppage, which escalated last week when it was joined
- by the 3.5 million members of the largest umbrella union, the
- Nigeria Labor Congress, played havoc with everyday life. Banks
- were shuttered, as were most small shops and businesses. Most
- painfully affected was Nigeria's biggest source of foreign exchange,
- the oil industry. The Royal Dutch Shell Group, the largest operator
- in the country, announced that the strike had forced it to cut
- production nearly 40%. In the cities, virtually the only signs
- of life were the riots staged each week by teenage thugs known
- as "area boys."
- </p>
- <p> The catalyst behind the unrest was Moshood Abiola, a bearish
- 56-year-old multimillionaire who is widely believed--based
- on incomplete results--to have won election as President in
- June 1993. He was deprived of victory, however, by General Ibrahim
- Babangida, who had ruled the country for eight years. Babangida
- charged fraud and annulled the results before they were published.
- </p>
- <p> Two months ago, Abiola surprised everyone by marking the anniversary
- of his thwarted inauguration with an uncharacteristically audacious
- pronouncement: he declared himself President. Within a fortnight,
- he was arrested, charged with treason and thrown in jail. Since
- then, his power has only increased. Last Friday, when a high
- court in the capital ordered Abiola to be released on condition
- that he do nothing to undermine the government, the businessman
- turned politician rejected the offer. He said he would accept
- only unconditional freedom and vowed to carry on his campaign
- from prison.
- </p>
- <p> Faced with a political cause celebre that has galvanized the
- disgruntled population into demands for democracy, the government
- now seems to have only two alternatives: to continue its repressive
- tactics--and risk further erosion of its support--or to
- come to some sort of power-sharing agreement with Abiola. The
- most pessimistic analysis holds that failing to reach a compromise
- risks fracturing Nigeria along its ethnic fault lines, pushing
- it toward the sort of conflict not seen since the Biafran civil
- war, which claimed nearly 2 million lives during the late 1960s.
- </p>
- <p> That chilling prospect was not lost on the Rev. Jesse Jackson,
- who was dispatched to Lagos by President Bill Clinton two weeks
- ago in hopes of defusing the crisis. Jackson stayed two days,
- then flew back to the U.S., warning that he saw little hope.
- Civil war in Nigeria, he suggested, would send shock waves throughout
- West Africa and make the ethnic conflagration that has engulfed
- Rwanda look like "child's play."
- </p>
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
-
-